Author	Anneke Galama
Publication	Searching for Peace in Africa
Year	1999

Summary

The group of four islands (Mayotte, Moroni, Anjouan, Mohéli) that form the Republic of Grande Comoros were a French colony from 1841 till 1975. They lie between the East African coast and the north-west coast of Madagascar. The colonial history of the Comoros is dominated by the struggle for independence from France. After being ruled by Madagascar - another French colony - the islands gained their internal autonomy in December 1961. It took a referendum in 1974, in which there was a 96 per cent vote in favour, to gain full independence from France on the 6th of July 1975. On the island of Mayotte, the predominantly French population returned a 64 per cent majority in favour of continuing under French rule and the island continues under French administration. France did not oppose the independence of the other three islands.
After a successful coup, supported by the French intelligence service, whose number included the famous French mercenary Bob Denard, President Abdallah came to power in 1978. His dictatorial regime was supported by an alliance of Comorian politicians and mercenaries. Islamic traditions were forbidden and political opposition suppressed. Abdallah was killed in 1989, some say by the presidential guard. Bob Denard was also accused of Abdallah's murder but was acquitted by a French court in May 1999, to the great disappointment of large parts of the Comorian people.
President Mohamed Taki Abdoulkarim, elected in 1996, died in office on November 6, 1998. In accordance with the Constitution, Tadjiddine ben Said Massounde, the President of the High Council was named Interim President. On November 25, he formed a government of national unity and appointed the leader of the opposition, Abbass Djoussouf, as Prime Minister. Although the Constitution calls for the Interim President to hold presidential elections within ninety days of the death of the elected president, an election timetable had not been set by year's end. Both the Interim President and the Prime Minister took the position that the elections should be postponed until the secessionist crisis on Anjouan was resolved.
The shortcomings of 22 years of independence became painfully clear when the Anjouan secessionists acted in August 1997. For 22 years, the political regimes, which were unable and often unwilling to create a stable economy, caused frustration among the civilians. In total eighteen coups or attempted coups took place in the islands of the Republic. France continued to play a political role with the French intelligence service frequently supplying mercenaries to the coup perpetrators. Mayotte, which voted to retain French rule in 1975, has now become an economic and social paradise in the eyes of the poor people of the Comoros. According to the Anjouan separatists, the economic situation will only be improved through true independence. This time, not from France but from the Federal Republic.
The Comoros is one of Africa's poorest countries as it has few natural resources, poor transportation links and a young and rapidly expanding population. The low level of the labour force corresponds with low levels of economic activity and high unemployment. Although agriculture is the leading sector of the economy, the country is not self-sufficient in food production. Rice is the country's main staple and 90 per cent of its supply is imported. Major investments in tourism and the industrial sector are vital to raise the GDP, but thus far have failed to do so. Funds from donors have been used for short-term consumption, not for long-term investments. The Comoros sit astride one of the world's vital sea-lanes through which super-tankers and foreign warships pass on their way from the sensitive Gulf region to Europe around the Cape of Good Hope. But because of its weak and unstable economic climate the country has not been able to capitalise on its geographical position. There has been no investment in modern harbour-facilities, for example.
The mix of chronic political instability on the one hand and great poverty on the other has made the Comoros a very vulnerable republic. The root cause of the conflict within the Comoros lies in the severe economic deprivation and poverty. When the islands became independent, they were wholly lacking the political and economic basis on which to build a future.

Conflict Dynamics

Two islands in the Comoros group are currently seeking their independence from the Federal Republic: Anjouan, the island of President Abdallah Ibrahim, leader of the Movement Populaire d'Anjouan and Mohéli, represented by Muhammad Hasan Ali. Both leaders state that they want to return to French rule with a similar status to Mayotte or become microstates in association with France. They feel themselves economically and socially neglected by the central government. The presidents support their position by arguing that most of the financial aid given by the Development Bank as well as by the UN is claimed by the Grande Comoro. Ironically, France is not interested in any new colonial alliance with the two islands. Despite the rejection of their overtures, Mohéli and Anjouan continue to ask the French government for help.
Although both islands have the same problems and the same view of the future, they differ in their responses to their situation. The president of Mohéli said in the African Research Bulletin that the island 'condemns the use of force and does not want an armed struggle'. Mohéli has consequently tried to seek a solution trough a dialogue with the Federal Government and the OAU.
The political groups of Anjouan on the other hand, have attempted to secure independence through the use of military force. A brief look at the conflict dynamics of the most recent period shows that the federal government as well as the people of Anjouan have reacted in a violent and aggressive way to the problems on the island.
When the Anjouan separatists declared their independence from the central government of the Comoros on August 3, 1997, President Taki immediately sent troops to the island to restore order. The fighting between the government forces and the separatists resulted in the deaths of forty people. During the conflict, President Taki's threat to send more federal troops fuelled the aggression of the secessionists. More skirmishes with fatalities were reported after August. Federal troops had been ordered to suppress the revolts while the rebels were intent on resisting any military authority of the central government. Both the secessionists and the government troops took prisoners.
Within this aggressive and violent atmosphere, President Ibrahim further developed his ideas of an independent Anjouan. The newly created Anjouan government organised a referendum among the islanders to demonstrate the unanimity of the island's desire for independence. The federal government as well as the international community strongly condemned the outcome, 98 per cent in favour, because it contravened the agreement between the opposing parties to seek a solution to the crisis.
In February 1998, the Anjouan government drafted a constitution for the island. The OAU reacted to this very clear manifestation of Anjouan independence by arguing that the secessionists were undermining the fundamental principle of maintaining the territorial integrity of existing states. In the meantime, the humanitarian situation on the island deteriorated. No electricity, little food-production and social insecurity because of unpaid government salaries resulted in numerous strikes.
When the problems on the islands first began, President Taki assumed total power. He asked the OAU, the UN and the Arab League to help him restore order. At the instigation of the OAU, a few conferences were held to try and seek a solution to the conflict situation. All the parties involved strongly condemned the wish of the island people to become independent. They regarded the situation as constituting a threat to peace and security in the countries around the Indian Ocean. The conferences, where Anjouan president Ibrahim continued to refer to the right of self-determination as stated in the UN Charter, ended without any results.

After a few months of stagnation, President Taki tried to regain the initiative in June 1998. Firstly, he promised to improve the disastrous economic situation on the islands. Secondly he tried to re-open the dialogue between the different parties following the failure of the 1997 military intervention and the OAU-mediation efforts. On November 6, however, President Taki Abdulkarim died of a suspected heart attack. His successor, President Massonde, again requested military assistance from the OAU and France when violence once more erupted in Anjouan in December 1998. More than sixty casualties, destruction of property and displacement of the population were reported. On this occasion the fighting was primarily between two separatist camps. Ibrahim's party, whose main goal is to achieve recognition for his independent state, is now opposed by supporters of Said Omar Chamassi who demand a state constitutionally linked to France. The fighting in December showed that Chamassi's followers are prepared to use violence in pursuit of this goal. Despite the OAU's appeal for military assistance none of its member states volunteered to send troops.
On December 15, however, the two secessionist parties signed a 48-hour cease-fire agreement. During that agreement French diplomats played a mediating role and tried to seek a solution. In February 1999 the OAU launched a new peace-initiative in a twelve-point statement. The statement said that if in a short period of time, the security situation in Anjouan continued to degenerate, regional leaders should consider the use of military force to deal with the situation. It was decided that an inter-island conference should deal with the socio-economic situation in the archipelago and should create a new institutional framework for the country. Although this new framework will respect the aspirations of all the people of the Comoros, the policy of the OAU-ministers seems to ignore the wish for independence.
The inter-island conference was held in Madagascar and led to an OAU-mediated agreement which was signed in April 23. The Madagascar agreement did not grant the wish for independence, but gave greater autonomy to the two islands of Anjouan and Moheli and introduced a three-year rotating presidency between the three islands. However, it led to violence on Grand Comore, with people of Anjouan descent being targeted after the Anjouan delegation to the conference failed to sign the accord on the grounds that they needed to consult their people. Furthermore the violence was said to be instigated by youths who thought the agreement would weaken the position of the Grand Comore.
The violence resulted in a military coup on April 30 1999 in which the army was said to have intervened 'to restore order'. Colonel Azali Assoumani, who seized power in the bloodless coup, said he would hand over to an elected government after twelve months, and would abide by the agreement.

Official Conflict Management

The Federal Republic has more than 24 political parties. Despite its democratic constitution, few of them have the political freedom to provide a serious opposition to the few dominant parties such as the National Union for Comorian Democracy, the party of former president Taki.
The weakness of this political structure became very clear when Anjouan declared its independence. The secessionists of Anjouan and the federal government of the Republic were wholly unable to accept each other's points of view. President Taki's only answer to the problem seemed to be the reintegration of the Anjouan and Mohéli islands within the Republic. To achieve this, he sent his federal troops to Anjouan almost immediately and called upon the OAU for assistance.
The secessionists on Anjouan are strongly opposed to military intervention on their island. They refuse to accept any party or institute at the negotiating table because no one respects their wish for independence. Only France, seen by the secessionists as their new political ally, has been called on for assistance.
Divisions within the political parties themselves have also frustrated attempts to find a solution to the conflict. For example, the disagreements within the Anjouan secessionist party have lead to new fighting on the island.
The international community continues to recognise the Comorian Government's sovereignty over Anjouan. The Organisation for African Unity is the only body that took the crisis seriously and has sent several missions to the islands. It has played a significant role in the conflict, mainly out of concern for maintaining peace and unity in the Indian Ocean. The Anjouan and Mohéli aspirations for independence are considered to pose a real threat to the unity in the Indian Ocean. In December 1997, observers from Egypt, Niger, Senegal and Tunisia were sent to the islands to help ease tensions after a declaration of independence by the island of Anjouan; the OAU Observer Mission in the Comoros (OMIC). Furthermore, a military assessment mission visited the islands in December 1998 to make a proper, professional assessment of the situation and examine all the options on how to assist in the restoration of the normal situation in Anjouan. The predominantly military composition of the team suggested that peace enforcement would have been, at least, one of the major considerations of the mission.
The representatives of the OAU have also organised two conferences where they tried to seek a solution. One of these, the inter-island conference, resulted on April 23 1999 in the Madagascar agreement which offered each island broad autonomy under a national government and outlined the establishment of an interim government that would rule until the next elections. However as the OAU representative, Mahmoud Kane said: 'The agreement decided to put in place an interim government led by a prime minister. We were about to do that when the coup happened.'
The OAU condemned the coup in the Indian Ocean archipelago on 30 April which it said had set back implementation of a peace deal signed in Madagascar. The OAU withdrew its military observers from the Islands because it did not want to work with the military government. The civilian component of the OAU mission stayed to observe developments and attempt to continue dialogue with the military government.
As old allies of the Comoros, South Africa, Tanzania and Mozambique are the countries most involved in finding a solution to the present conflict.
The Comoros government has fostered close relationships with the more conservative (and oil-rich) Arab states from the League of Arab States. But this relationship has transpired to be mainly economic, and the League has not been involved in any peace-initiatives during the conflict.
As the former colonial power, France has played a rather interesting role in the conflict. It has refused to respond to repeated requests for political and military assistance from the Anjouan and Mohéli separatists. The idea of resuming political and economic control in Anjouan and Mohéli does not appeal to the French. Effectively, France has no economic interest in the two very poor and politically unstable islands while the latter consider France as their principal donor nation. Consequently, France has strongly condemned the islands' aspirations for independence. Under pressure from the OAU, France continues to give financial aid to the islands but refuses further involvement.
The United Nations has limited its involvement to official statements on the problems of the Comoros. Both the WHO and the Red Cross have given humanitarian aid to the islands.

Multi Track Diplomacy

According to the available information, no local peace initiatives were taken during the conflict. A UNDP country-report explains why the civil society of the islands has not acquired the dynamism and capacity to play a significant role in social change. The report emphasises the effect of political instability as a hindrance to the development of the islands. Considering the fact that the Comoros is one of the poorest countries of Africa, with a weak infrastructure and poor social conditions, the lack of local NGOs is to be expected, which in turn explains the lack of peace-seeking initiatives within the local community.
The Comoros Human Rights Association, established in 1990, is one of the few local NGOs, however,many of its members are unwilling to criticise the Government vigorously for fear of losing their civil service positions. The Government cooperates with international human rights organisations, including the International Committee of the Red Cross.

Prospects

The Anjouan and Mohéli declaration of independence in August 1997 did not come as a surprise. As indicated in this survey, the post-colonial history of the republic is characterised by an unstable political system and weak economy which have in turn led to aspirations of a better future and civil unrest. Given that the society is one of the poorest in Africa, that it lacks any strong social organisation and is poorly represented by political parties or NGOs, it seems unlikely that the struggle can be transferred to the negotiating table. To date the conflict has resulted in the deaths of a few hundred soldiers and civilians and a worsening of the already poor humanitarian situation. Initiatives taken by the ministers of the OAU to find a peaceful solution to the problem and to re-open the dialogue between the different parties have not, thus far, provided any grounds to hope for a successful resolution to the conflict in the near future.

Recommendations

The UNDP report has identified the following priorities which it believes necessary if a course of sustainable and peaceful development is to be successfully pursued:

• Strengthening of governance by strengthening the rule of law, improving the management of public resources, and enhancing the participation of local communities in the development process;
• Improvement of the competitiveness of the Comoros by restoring macroeconomic stability, improving the management of the public sector and creating favourable conditions for productive investment while supporting private initiatives;
• Development of human capital and curbing of population growth by improving the quality and accessibility of education and training and of the health services and creating stable employment on the basis of private initiative; and
• Conservation of the fragile environment of the Comoros by emphasising conservation, increasing the productivity and diversification of agriculture, and promoting land ownership policies and environmental protection.

Also Cedric de Coning from ACCORD, South Africa has emphasised economic development as a prerequisite for a solution of the conflict. The conflict in the Comoros is driven by the poverty and economic degradation that are endemic to the islands. The tensions between the capital island of Moroni and the others are directly linked to their economic relationship. Therefore, according to de Coning, any long-term solution would require an economic cooperation agreement for the Comoran island system that would see all the people of the Comoros benefiting equally from their limited shared economy.

Service Information

NEWSLETTERS:	Indiana Ocean Newsletter (http://www.indigo-net.com/africa.html)
PUBLICATIONS:	The Politics of Squalor and Dependency - Chronic political instability and economic collapse in the Comoro islands. In: African Affairs, Vol.89, Nr. 357, 1990; Country Cooperation Framework and Related Matters (1997-2001), UNDP, 1997; Comoros Country Report on Human Rights Practices for 1998, U.S. Department of State, 1999.
RESOURCE CONTACTS:	Mamoudou Kahn, Special Representative for the Comoros of the OAU, e-mail: oau-ews@telecom.net.et; Cedric de Coning, Programme Manager Peacekeeping, ACCORD, e-mail cedric@yebo.co.za
SELECTED INTERNET SITES:	http://www.chez.com/rita/ (Comoros Online); http://www.emulateme.com/government/comorogov.htm (Government of Comoros); http://www.chez.com/prc/ (Parti Republicain des Comores); http://www.ksu.edu/sasw/comoros/comoros.html (General resources on Comoro islands); http://lcweb2.loc.gov/glin/comoros.html (offers an annotated list of selected links); http://www.undp.org:80/rba/country/ccf/9705416e.htm (UNDP-RBA Country cooperation Framework for Comoros)

About the author

Anneke Galama is currently studying at Bradford University to obtain her MA in Peace Studies Studies. Anneke was an intern at the European Centre for Conflict Prevention from January - May 1999 and has assisted in the survey project.